![]() Originally presented in draft form as conference papers, they concern the most highly valued symbolic objects of Samoa and Tonga, their finely-woven mats. This slim volume brings together three papers by acknowledged authorities on Pacific culture, Adrienne Kaeppler, Penelope Schoeffel and Phyllis Herda. As such, I make a case for ethnohistory and highlight the importance of ethnographic imagination. ![]() archival material, indigenous historiography (Samuel Kamakau), and Pacific Islander embodied practices research on tattooing (Juniper Ellis, 2008)-to argue that the Hoapili portraits obscure as well as reveal. Skeptical of the adequacy of empiricist historiography to interpret richly semiotic work such as Armstrong's, I adduce evidence from diverse sources-A.B.C.F.M. Called "Mr." and "Mrs." from the time they joined the Lahaina church (the first Hawai'ian couple to conform to 'Christian' marital rubric), Hoapili-kane's portrait could be mistaken for that of a Nantucket whaler captain, while the lei-draped Hoapili-wahine wears a muumuu, the quintessentially hybrid garment favored by convert women. 1736-1819), unifier of the archipelago-the Hoapilis were esteemed as ali'i nui, chiefs of the highest rank, imbued with mana, the scared power of vitality. In late pre-Christian Hawai'i-that is, during the reign of Kamehameha the Great (ca. At the time, Lahaina was still the axis mundi of Hawai'i's religious world, although the profound transformation that world was undergoing was plainly evident in the watercolor artwork the American portraitist produced. ![]() missionary (and, coincidentally, a Princeton Seminary graduate). The painter was Clarissa Armstrong (1805-1891), the artistically-gifted spouse of Richard Armstrong, an A.B.C.F.M. Sometime in 1837, an elderly "Mr." and "Mrs." Hoapili (Hoapili-kane and Hoapili-wahine ), two of the first Hawai'ians admitted to membership in the Congregational church founded a decade earlier in the harbor-town of Lahaina on the island of Maui, sat for their portraits.
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